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Carlos Martín (Dijón, 10 de noviembre de 1433 - Nancy, 5 de enero de 1477), llamado el Temerario,[nota 1]​ fue el último duque de Borgoña de la Casa de Valois-Borgoña, que gobernó entre 1467 y 1477. Fue el único hijo legítimo de Felipe el Bueno y su tercera esposa, Isabel de Portugal. Como heredero y gobernante, Carlos compitió por el poder y la influencia con rivales como su señor, el rey Luis XI de Francia. En 1465, Carlos lideró una exitosa revuelta de los vasallos de Luis en la guerra del Bien Público.

Tras convertirse en duque de Borgoña en 1467, Carlos persiguió sus ambiciones de crear un reino independiente de Francia, que se extendiera de forma contigua desde el mar del Norte en el norte hasta las fronteras de Saboya en el sur. Para ello, adquirió Güeldres y la Alta Alsacia; buscó el título de rey de romanos; y poco a poco se convirtió en enemigo de los alemanes. Carlos se casó con Margarita de York para lograr una alianza con Inglaterra. Arregló el compromiso de su única hija, María, con Maximiliano de Austria.

Carlos, músico apasionado y mecenas de las artes, apoyó la producción de manuscritos iluminados y música. Su corte era famosa por ser un centro de artes, caballería y etiqueta. Estaba obsesionado con el orden y la regulación y escribió muchas ordenanzas a lo largo de su gobierno, dictando asuntos militares, legislación y diplomacia hasta el más mínimo detalle. Carlos era religioso y su santo patrón era san Jorge. Rechazó múltiples solicitudes del papa y los venecianos para emprender una cruzada contra los turcos otomanos.

Hacia el final de su vida, Carlos se vio envuelto en un conflicto multinacional llamado guerra de Borgoña (1474-1477), donde luchó para retener la propiedad de la Alta Alsacia contra una alianza de estados suizos, alemanes y alsacianos llamada la Liga Inferior. Después de su fallido asedio de Neuss, fue derrotado por los suizos en las batallas de Grandson y Morat. Carlos murió durante la batalla de Nancy el 5 de enero de 1477, luchando contra el duque Renato II de Lorena y su ejército suizo. Su muerte desencadenó la guerra de Sucesión de Borgoña y puso fin al Estado borgoñón. La hija de Carlos, María, fue la última de la dinastía de Carlos. El hijo de María, Felipe de Austria, heredó los Países Bajos Borgoñones.

Primeros años de vida

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Infancia

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Carlos Martín (segundo nombre)[3]​ nació el 10 de noviembre de 1433 en la ciudad de Dijón. Fue el tercer hijo de Felipe el Bueno con Isabel de Portugal y el único que sobrevivió más allá de la infancia. Su madre, temiendo perder otro hijo, consagró al infante al Santísimo Sacramento a los pocos días de su nacimiento. Felipe el Bueno llegó a Dijon a fines de noviembre para celebrar el nacimiento y nombró a su hijo caballero del Toisón de Oro, una orden de caballería creada por él en 1430.[4]​ [ 4 ] El infante también se convirtió en el conde de Charolais, un título otorgado a los herederos de los duques de Borgoña.[5]​ Fue bautizado el 20 de noviembre, con el conde Carlos I de Nevers y Antoine I de Croÿ como sus padrinos; recibió el nombre del conde de Nevers, que era el hijastro de Felipe el Bueno de su segunda esposa, Bona de Artois.[6]​ A principios de la primavera de 1434, Isabel y el joven Carlos se trasladaron a la fortaleza de montaña de Talant, por temor a múltiples brotes de peste en Borgoña.[7]​ La duquesa y su hijo descendieron de las montañas en abril de 1435, después de que la peste hubiera retrocedido. Después, viajaron a París para unirse a Felipe el Bueno.[4]​ En el camino, pasaron por Brujas, donde se estaba gestando una rebelión contra Felipe el Bueno. En 1436, cuando Isabel y su séquito iban a abandonar la ciudad, los rebeldes los detuvieron por la fuerza y los arrestaron cerca de la puerta de la ciudad.[8]​ La rebelión fue reprimida en 1438, cuando Felipe el Bueno bloqueó la ciudad y obligó a los rebeldes a rendirse.[9]​

Durante su infancia, Carlos fue descrito como un niño robusto.[10]​ Mostró interés en asuntos marciales y operaciones militares desde muy temprano en su vida; a la edad de dos años, fue instruido en equitación mientras entrenaba en un corcel de madera.[11]​ Felipe el Bueno asignó muchos tutores para el joven Carlos, el más importante de ellos fue Antoine Haneron, profesor de retórica en la Universidad de Lovaina.[12]​ Al igual que su padre, Carlos desarrolló una afición por la lectura de historias, crónicas y romances históricos.[12]​ Carlos aspiraba a convertirse en un conquistador como Alejandro Magno. El hecho de que tanto él como Alejandro tuvieran padres llamados Felipe estimuló su imaginación y aumentó aún más su ambición. [13]​

En 1435, con el Tratado de Arras, Felipe el Bueno se reconcilió con Carlos VII, rey de Francia, marcando el fin de la guerra civil Armagnac-Borgoña, un conflicto entre los miembros de la familia real Valois y sus ramas.[14]​ Como muestra de buena fe en su nuevo aliado, Carlos VII también permitió un matrimonio entre una de sus hijas y el heredero de Felipe. Carlos envió a sus hijas a Borgoña; Felipe eligió a Catalina, la hija de diez años del rey, para casarse con Carlos, de seis años.[15]​ Los dos se casaron el 11 de junio de 1439, durante una ceremonia acompañada de conciertos, justas y banquetes en la ciudad de Saint-Omer.[16]​ Los niños casados fueron puestos bajo el cuidado de una institutriz, según los relatos de la boda, y a menudo se separaban unos de otros para pasar el tiempo con pasatiempos acordes con su edad.[17]​

Hasta los seis años, Carlos fue criado por sus primos, Juan e Inés de Cléveris, ambos hijos de María de Borgoña, hija de Juan Sin Miedo. De los dos, Inés fue la más destacada en la educación temprana de Carlos.[18]​ En 1441, Felipe el Bueno nombró a Jean IV d'Auxy, señor de Auxi-le-Château, como tutor de Carlos, de ocho años. D'Auxy sirvió más tarde como chambelán de Carlos desde 1456 hasta 1468.[19]​ A la edad de 12 años, Carlos comenzó a participar en los asuntos públicos del ducado de su padre. En 1445, acompañó a su padre en una rara visita de estado a Holanda y Zelanda. Según Olivier de la Marche, los habitantes estaban encantados de ver a su conde, el joven Carlos, en su tierra.[20]​

Juventud

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Philip the Good, dressed in black, wearing chaperon, and beside him is Charles, bareheaded and wearing the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece
Carlos, de 12 o 13 años, de pie junto a su padre, Felipe, duque de Borgoña; Jean Wauquelin presentando las Crónicas de Henao a Felipe el Bueno, 1447.

Carlos se hizo muy amigo de su esposa, Catalina.[21]​ Se hicieron regalos el uno al otro; en 1440, la condesa compró un arpa para Carlos, que estaba interesado en la música.[22]​ En febrero de 1446, Catalina quedó postrada en cama con un resfriado, fiebre alta y tos persistente. En marzo, estaba demasiado pálida, letárgica y sin apetito.[21]​ Desde el comienzo de su enfermedad, Carlos y su madre permanecieron cerca de Catalina. Carlos instó a los médicos enviados por el rey a hacer todo lo posible por su joven esposa. La visitaba regularmente y tocaba música para ella en el arpa que ella le había regalado.[23]​ En abril, los tres se vieron obligados a viajar a Arras, por orden de Felipe el Bueno, para unirse a él en la observación de un torneo en esa ciudad. Queriendo complacer a su padre, Carlos comenzó a anticipar el torneo en lugar de preocuparse por su esposa.[24]​ Durante el torneo, el estado general de Catalina se deterioró hasta el punto de que sufrió una fuerte tos y tuvo que volver a la cama poco después de que comenzara el torneo. Cuando estuvo lo suficientemente bien como para viajar, Catalina y su suegra, Isabel, viajaron a Coudenberg, el lugar favorito de la princesa. Finalmente, Catalina murió el 30 de julio de 1446 y su muerte fue profundamente lamentada por la corte de Borgoña.[23]​

Cuando Carlos tenía diecisiete años, participó en su primera justa en un torneo de práctica en Bruselas. Se enfrentó a Jacques de Lalaing, el famoso caballero de Borgoña. En la primera ronda, Carlos golpeó a Jacques en el escudo y destrozó su propia lanza.[25]​ Felipe el Bueno acusó a De Lalaing de contenerse para dejar ganar a Carlos y exigió que el caballero ofreciera una verdadera pelea. Durante la segunda ronda, ambas lanzas se rompieron. El espectáculo entusiasmó a Felipe el Bueno, pero hizo que Isabel de Portugal se preocupara por la seguridad de su hijo.[26]​ Durante el torneo propiamente dicho, Carlos rompió dieciséis o dieciocho lanzas y recibió premios de dos princesas. En su honor, los heraldos gritaron el conocido grito de batalla francés, «Montjoie Saint Denis!» (que también era el lema del Reino de Francia).[27]​

En 1449, la rica ciudad de Gante se rebeló contra el gobierno borgoñón en respuesta a los nuevos impuestos sobre la sal.[28]​ Carlos tomó parte en la lucha; sin embargo, para mantenerlo fuera de peligro, Felipe el Bueno le dijo falsamente a Carlos que su madre Isabel estaba gravemente enferma en Lille. Carlos se fue poco antes de la decisiva batalla de Gavere en 1453.[26]​ En Lille, su madre lo honró con un banquete y, para sorpresa de todos, lo animó a regresar al campo de batalla y luchar por su herencia. Para entonces, Felipe el Bueno había ganado la batalla y derrotado a los burgueses rebeldes.[29]​

Carlos permaneció viudo durante ocho años hasta que se casó con Isabel de Borbón en 1454.[30]​ Isabel era hija de Inés de Borgoña y sobrina de Felipe el Bueno. Su padre, Carlos I, duque de Borbón, la envió cuando era niña a la corte de Borgoña como pupila de Isabel de Portugal. Isabel, una joven tímida y dócil, era adorada por Felipe el Bueno, quien vio una oportunidad de renovar el Tratado de Arras (que se había roto por la muerte de Catalina de Francia) al casar a su sobrina con su hijo.[31]​ Carlos no supo de la intención de su padre hasta la noche anterior a su boda, el 31 de octubre; no se resistió al matrimonio.[32]​ Con su matrimonio, la ciudad de Chinon fue incorporada al reino de Felipe el Bueno, como parte de la dote de Isabel.[33]​

Lucha por el poder

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Disputas con Felipe el Bueno

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Retratos de Felipe el Bueno y Carlos el Temerario, folio del Recueil d'Arras, c. 1535-1573.

Durante la década de 1454-1464, Carlos fue excluido del poder, del consejo ducal y de la corte borgoñona por su padre.[34]​ En 1454, Felipe el Bueno lo nombró "gobernador y teniente general en ausencia" mientras asistía a la dieta imperial en Ratisbona.[35]​ Felipe el Bueno esperaba encontrarse con Federico III y unir al emperador a su aspirante cruzada para recuperar Constantinopla de los otomanos. Sin embargo, el emperador no se presentó. [36]​ Incluso como regente, Carlos tenía poco o ningún poder en comparación con su madre, la duquesa y su padre.[35]​ Sin embargo, Carlos todavía podía emitir documentos en su propio nombre. Su regencia duró poco, ya que Felipe el Bueno regresó a Borgoña el 7 o 9 de agosto del mismo año, y Carlos regresó a su anterior posición sin poder.[35]​

Carlos estaba en malos términos con su padre debido a su exclusión del poder, y sus malas relaciones llegaron a su clímax en 1457, cuando Carlos quiso nombrar a Antoin Rolin, señor de Aymeries, como su chambelán. Antoin era hijo de Nicolas Rolin, canciller de Felipe el Bueno. El duque, receloso del poder que su canciller podría obtener con este nombramiento, rechazó la solicitud de su hijo y en su lugar propuso a Philippe I de Croÿ, que era alto bailío de Henao y miembro de la influyente Casa de Croÿ, como su chambelán.[37]​[38]​ Carlos desconfiaba de De Croÿ, porque sospechaba que aceptaba dinero de Carlos VII para socavar a Felipe el Bueno.[39]​ Carlos rechazó la propuesta de su padre. Felipe estaba tan furioso que su madre temió por la vida de Carlos y lo expulsó de la corte. Carlos huyó a Dendermonde y Felipe se perdió en los bosques de Soignies tratando de encontrar a su hijo. Por mediación de Isabel de Borbón, que estaba embarazada del hijo de Carlos, Felipe y su hijo llegaron a una tregua.[40]​

Cuando nació la hija de Carlos, María, el 13 de febrero de 1457, ni Carlos ni su padre asistieron a su bautismo, pues ambos querían evitarse mutuamente.[41]​ Nicolas Rolin fue destituido de la cancillería, y el aliado cercano de Rolin, Jean Chevrot, fue destituido del consejo ducal. De Croÿ se volvió más poderoso.[5]​ Carlos dejó la corte para irse a su propiedad personal en Le Quesnoy en Hainaut. Allí, se le confiaron tareas menores relacionadas con los súbditos flamencos de su padre. También construyó el castillo de la Torre Azul en Gorcum como su sede personal en 1461. Intentó formalizar su estatus como heredero del Estado borgoñón, lo que a su vez impulsó a su padre a cortarle la asignación.[5]​ Carlos se vio privado de dinero para pagar a su personal o incluso para mantener a flote su patrimonio, por lo que en 1463, según Georges Chastellain, se dirigió a sus empleados y pidió a los que podían pagarse que se quedaran con él, y a los que no podían que lo abandonaran hasta que pudiera pagarles. Su personal respondió que vivirían y morirían con él. Le ofrecieron una parte de su dinero para que el estado pudiera funcionar normalmente. Carlos tenía lágrimas en los ojos y expresó su gratitud a su personal.[42]​ Aunque este relato es bastante dramático, no hay razón para no creerlo, ya que este tipo de actos de altruismo eran típicos de esa época.[43]​

En 1462, Carlos sobrevivió a un intento de envenenamiento por parte de Jean Coustain, primer caballero de la cámara. Coustain fue ejecutado en Rupelmundo. Carlos culpó a De Croÿ por el intento de asesinato, mientras que De Croÿ llegó a creer que Carlos organizó este intento para alimentar su enemistad.[44]​ A finales de 1463, las disputas entre Carlos y su padre hicieron que los Estados Generales de los Países Bajos borgoñones intervinieran. El 5 de febrero de 1464, Carlos pronunció un discurso ante los diputados reunidos en Gante, dedicando más tiempo a atacar a la familia de De Croÿ que a su padre.[45]​ Al final, Carlos y Felipe el Bueno se reconciliaron en junio de 1464, después de que se reunieran en Lille, aunque De Croÿ mantuvo el poder.[34]​ Más tarde ese año, Carlos asumió el poder total argumentando que Felipe el Bueno se estaba volviendo demasiado senil. Carlos presionó a De Croÿ, pero Felipe lo protegió amenazándolo.[46]​ Diez días después, los Estados Generales dieron a Carlos plenos poderes al nombrarlo teniente general.[46]​ Su primer acto fue confiscar las propiedades de De Croÿ; fueron desterrados a Francia, donde, para su sorpresa, su patrón francés, Luis XI, no les dio ningún apoyo.[47]​

Rivalidad con Luis XI

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Miniature painting, a feast with Louis and Philip sitting next to each other
El duque de Borgoña ofrece un suntuoso banquete a Luis, delfín de Francia, por Job, 1905.

En 1457, Luis XI —entonces delfín de Francia—, heredero de Carlos VII, había llegado repentinamente a la corte de Felipe el Bueno en Bruselas.[48]​ Felipe el Bueno vio a su invitado como una oportunidad para enmendar sus relaciones con la corona y acogió al delfín, complaciéndolo con amabilidad, mostrando humildad y rechazando todas las peticiones del rey de enviarlo de regreso. A expensas de Felipe, Luis vivió en Genappe, donde llevó una vida cómoda.[48]​ Carlos VII intentó recuperar a su hijo, pero todos sus intentos fracasaron. Se dice que dijo: "Mi primo Borgoña está alimentando a un zorro que se comerá todos sus pollos".[49]​ El delfín Luis se convertiría en el favorito de Felipe el Bueno después de la pelea entre él y su hijo, Carlos.[50]​

En contraste con su relación con Felipe, Luis y Carlos se detestaban mutuamente.[51]​ Sin embargo, Carlos le pidió al delfín que fuera el padrino de su hija, María.[41]​ El odio de Carlos hacia Luis se agravó cuando ascendió al trono francés después de la muerte de su padre el 22 de julio de 1461.[51]​ Luis fue coronado rey el 31 de agosto en Reims bajo el nombre regnal de Luis XI. Felipe el Bueno le puso personalmente la corona en la cabeza.[52]​ Mientras que el duque pensó que las hostilidades entre Francia y Borgoña habían terminado, el nuevo rey en su ceremonia de coronación se negó a participar en la fiesta patrocinada por Felipe en su honor. Este último regresó a su reino decepcionado.[53]​ Carlos temía las intenciones de Luis de demoler el sistema defensivo borgoñón en Picardía, y se puso furioso cuando se produjo una crisis en el otoño de 1463 con respecto a las tierras de su padre en el Somme.[54]​ De Croÿ persuadió a Felipe el Bueno para que aceptara modificar el Tratado de Arras, que le había otorgado ciudades como San Quintín, Abbeville, Amiens, Péronne y Montdidier. Felipe aceptó 400 000 escudos de oro de Luis para devolver esas ciudades a las Tierras de la Corona.[55]​ Cuando Carlos fue elegido teniente general en 1464, provocó la guerra contra Luis al formar la Liga del Bien Público.[56]​

La Liga del Bien Público era una confederación de prominentes príncipes franceses —Carlos de Berry, hermano del rey, Francisco II, duque de Bretaña, Juan II, duque de Borbón y Jaime y Juan de Armagnac— formada para actuar contra la autoridad de Luis.[56]​ Declararon a Carlos de Berry regente de Francia y nombraron a Francisco II capitán general del ejército.[57]​ Con la amenaza de rebelión inminente, Luis XI ofreció perdonar a todos los duques y señores. Los señores menores aceptaron el perdón, pero los duques persistieron con sus demandas.[57]​ Los miembros de la liga eligieron a Carlos de Charolais como su líder y comenzaron a acumular su ejército.[57]​ La Liga del Bien Público se convirtió en la más peligrosa de una serie de revueltas principescas contra la corona francesa; Una crónica registró que el número de participantes fue de siete duques, doce condes, dos señores, un mariscal y 51 000 hombres de armas contra Luis XI.[58]​

Para contrarrestar a los rebeldes, Luis XI reunió un ejército y lo envió hacia el sur, al centro de Francia, para derrotar a Juan II de Borbón. Carlos de Charolais pronto reunió un ejército de 25 000 hombres y marchó hacia París.[57]​ Luis y su ejército regresaron apresuradamente a París para defender la ciudad contra el ejército de Carlos. [59]​ El 15 de julio, Carlos llegó al pueblo de Montlhéry; en busca de los ejércitos de sus aliados, Carlos descubrió que el ejército real estaba acampado en Arpajon, a unas pocas millas al sur.[60]​ Al enterarse de la posición de Carlos, Luis se movió para luchar contra él.[59]​

Two armies, one with the banners of Louis XI and one with the banners of the Duchy of Burgundy, fighting a pitched battle against each other
Batalla de Montlhéry, miniatura de principios del siglo XVI ilustrado por Philippe de Commines.

El 16 de julio, los dos ejércitos se encontraron y lucharon en las afueras de Montlhéry.[59]​ Carlos se colocó junto a la vanguardia borgoñona, posicionada defensivamente, liderada por Luis de Saint-Pol. Atacó por el flanco izquierdo francés liderado por Carlos IV, conde de Maine. Carlos persiguió al conde que huía y a su ejército, cuando la vanguardia francesa contraatacó. [59]​ Carlos fue arrojado a la batalla con el ejército francés y recibió una herida en la garganta. Eludió la captura y regresó a sus líneas.[59]​ Después de su regreso, Carlos ordenó a sus artilleros que dispararan al ejército del rey; según sus relatos, murieron entre 1200 y 1400 hombres y una gran cantidad de caballos.[61]​ Al final de la tarde, Luis XI se retiró hacia el este, a París.[60]​

Aunque cada bando reclamó la victoria en la batalla de Montlhéry, ninguno logró sus objetivos por completo.[59]​ Carlos no pudo capturar a Luis en el campo de batalla, y Luis no pudo impedir que Carlos se uniera a sus aliados.[60]​ A pesar de su capacidad para formar sus tropas de batalla en un orden de batalla coherente, Carlos aún no se había convertido en un táctico hábil.[62]​ Los ejércitos rebeldes se unieron en la ciudad de Étampes y comenzaron a marchar hacia París el 31 de julio.[61]​ Los rebeldes sitiaron París en 1465, durante el cual Carlos dirigió sus disparos a las murallas de la ciudad.[63]​ Los rebeldes entraron con éxito en la ciudad cuando un noble llamado Charles de Melun les abrió la puerta de San Antonio.[64]​ Luis XI se vio obligado a negociar.[59]​ Las partes firmaron el Tratado de Conflans, que cedía el gobierno de Normandía a Carlos, duque de Berry, y devolvía las tierras del Somme a Borgoña.[65]​

Ascension

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Retrato de Carlos el Temerario representado como César durante su entrada real.

El 12 de junio de 1467, Felipe el Bueno cayó enfermo de repente.[66]​ En los días siguientes, apenas podía respirar y vomitaba constantemente. Carlos fue convocado desde Gante para que fuera inmediatamente a ver a su padre.[67]​ Cuando llegó, Felipe había caído inconsciente y luchaba por respirar, y murió el 15 de junio.[67]​ Carlos organizó el funeral de su padre en la catedral de San Donaciano, al que asistieron 1200 personas de las casas de Carlos y Felipe y de los cortesanos. La catedral estaba iluminada por 1400 velas que calentaron tanto el interior de la iglesia que tuvieron que hacer agujeros en las ventanas para enfriar el aire.[68]​ Charles mostró emociones extremas durante el funeral de su padre: tembló, se estremeció, se tiró del pelo y no dejó de gritar y llorar. El cronista de la corte, Georges Chastellain, dudó de la sinceridad de la angustia de Carlos, expresando asombro de que pudiera mostrar tales emociones.[69]​

Catorce días después, Carlos se convirtió oficialmente en duque de Borgoña. Para celebrarlo, desfiló por la ciudad de Gante el 28 de junio de 1467, emulando a César.[70]​ Esta entrada real provocó un alboroto en la ciudad.[71]​ El pueblo exigió el fin de las humillantes penas que se les impusieron después de la revuelta de 1449.[72]​ Carlos abandonó la ciudad con su hija, María, de diez años, y el tesoro guardado por Felipe el Bueno en el Prinsenhof de Gante.[73]​ En enero siguiente, coaccionó a los alcaldes de Gante para que pidieran su perdón. Luego, abolió sus derechos gubernamentales y anunció que sólo él podía nombrar el gobierno de la ciudad, en contra de la constitución de Felipe IV de 1301.[74]​

Duke of Burgundy

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The third marriage

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On 26 September 1465, Charles's wife, Isabella of Bourbon, died of tuberculosis at the age of 31. Court Chronicles recorded laconically the long months of her illness.[30]​ The most important part of her life for these chronicles was her marriage to Charles—of which she had only brought him one daughter and no male heirs—and the fact that she and Charles fell in love after the initially political marriage.[30]​ Charles, busy with the political negotiations after the War of the Public Weal, could not attend her funeral.[30]​[nota 2]​

Within weeks of Isabella of Bourbon's death, Charles's mother sought an English marriage for her son. She sent Guillaume de Clugny, one of Charles's close advisors, to London to negotiate with Edward IV for a marriage between his sister, Margaret of York, and Charles.[75]​ To prevent an English-Burgundian alliance, Louis XI proposed the hand of his daughter, the four-year-old Anne, to Charles in marriage. Charles refused this proposal.[75]​ In the Spring of 1466, an embassy led by Edward Woodville, Edward IV's brother-in-law, arrived in Burgundy to propose two marriages between the English royal family and the Burgundians: one between Margaret of York and Charles, and the other between Mary, Charles's daughter, and George Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, Edward IV's younger brother.[75]​ Woodville's visit failed, as Charles was not interested in marrying his young daughter to the Duke of Clarence.[76]​

In October 1467, Edward IV publicly ratified the marriage between Charles and his sister, and Margaret of York appeared before the Magnum Concilium of Kingston upon Thames and formally gave her consent to the marriage.[77]​ Charles welcomed the English delegation—led by Edward and Anthony Woodville— to Burgundy, and then had her mother accompany him to negotiate the final marriage treaty.[78]​ The marriage treaty and the alliance was signed and ratified in February 1468, while the marriage ceremony was delayed to eight months later.[79]​ Since Charles and Margaret were fourth-degree cousins, they needed a Papal dispensation to legitimise their marriage.[80]​ As the dispensation was the groom's duty, Charles sent a delegation to Rome. The delegation took until May 1469 to win the dispensation.[80]​ Edward IV announced the marriage of his sister to Charles and dubbed him as 'a mighty Prince who bears no crown'.[80]​

Crown of Margaret of York, worn at her wedding, then donated to a church in Aachen, now Aachen Cathedral Treasury

Charles and Margaret were married on 3 July at Damme, a town three miles from Bruges.[81]​ For their wedding ceremony, Charles prepared nine receptions each ending with a joust match. He wished to outdo his father's famous Feast of the Pheasant.[82]​ The wedding displayed the power and wealth of the dukedom.[83]​ At the end of the wedding, Charles left his wife alone to catch up on sleep; the two did not spend their wedding night together.[84]​

Charles and Margaret never had child.[85]​ They spent little time together: only three weeks during the first six months after their marriage; one-quarter of the time during the years 1469 and 1470, and only three weeks throughout 1473.[86]​ According to contemporary jurist, Filips Wielant, Charles housed Margaret far away from him because he did not want women to hamper his court.[87]​

Territorial expansions

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Like his father, Charles pursued expansionism; however, whereas Philip the Good realised this policy by peaceful means, Charles vied for territory by war and conflict.[88]​ In the Netherlands, he sought to expand his realm to the north-east: the Duchy of Guelders.[89]​ Although it never a part of the Burgundian lands, the duchy was dependent on Burgundian trade.[90]​ In 1463, Adolf of Egmond rebelled against his father, the ruling duke, Arnold. With Philip the Good's support, Adolf usurped the duchy and imprisoned his father in 1465.[91]​ Adolf's mistreatment of his father caused a scandal that resonated as far as Rome, where the Pope sought a mediator to end the conflict in Guelders. In 1471, Charles was appointed as the mediator; he marched into Guelders and restored Arnold to power.[92]​ Adolf was placed under house arrest, and then to prison after a failed escape attempt.[93]​ To retain Burgundian assistance, Arnold made Charles the Regent of Guelders; when Arnold died in February 1473, having left no heirs but his imprisoned son, he bequeathed the duchy to Charles.[94]​

Territories of France (green) and Burgundy (vanilla) in 1477, Cambridge Modern History Atlas, 1912

However, Charles's inheritance caused opposition. The Estates of Guelders, and the towns of Nijmegen, Arnhem, and Zutphen rejected Arnold's will, and Louis XI asked Frederick III, the Holy Roman Empire, to confiscate the duchy.[95]​ Frederick III was diplomatically close with Charles and did not intervene. Charles subdued the rebelling cities and the nobles of Guelders with force.[96]​ On 9 June 1473, with a sizeable army, he entered the city of Maastricht without resistance. Roermond and Venlo quickly surrendered. Moers, whose count, Vincent von Moers, was the leader of the resistance, yielded to Charles's artillery.[97]​ The only challenging conflict was the Siege of Nijmegen , which severely damaged the Burgundian army. After the successful conquest of Guelders, Charles imposed heavy taxes and changed the aldermen in the region. Charles gave more powers to the ducal judicial officers to firmly control the rebellious cities and to bring about a central administration.[93]​

The Burgundian State under Charles was divided into two blocks, the Duchy of Burgundy in the south and Flanders in the north.[98]​ To unify these two blocks, Charles needed the Duchy of Lorraine and Alsace.[99]​ On 21 March 1469, he received Sigismund, Archduke of Austria to his court to negotiate the purchase of his lands in Upper Alsace.[100]​ Sigismund was in a desperate financial situation and eagerly agreed to sell the lands.[101]​ With this purchase, Charles acquired a claim on the city of Ferrette, close to Swiss borders, drawing suspicion from the Swiss Confederacy.[91]​ Charles's rights and income from his new territories were severely limited because most of the land rights were mortgaged to local nobles,[102]​ and the people had demanded their liberties to be reserved and respected.[103]​ However, Charles's deputy in the area, Peter von Hagenbach, violated this guarantee and imposed harsh taxes on the people.[103]​ Soon, several towns of Alsace formed a league to unite against Hagenbach.[99]​ Charles ignored the area.[104]​ The discontent in Alsace would lead to Charles's downfall a couple years later.

Meeting the Emperor in Trier

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Engraving of two horsemen, one the Emperor and the other the Duke of Burgundy, with their respective entourage
Meeting of Charles the Bold and Frederick III in Trier, 1473

Charles greatly desired to transform the Duchy of Burgundy into a kingdom, free from the limitations of vassalage to the French crown, to further his personal glory.[105]​[106]​ Only the Holy Roman emperor could grant him this wish.[105]​ At Charles's request, Sigismund of Austria proposed Charles to be the next king of the Romans, with the marriage between the Emperor's son and the Duke's daughter as an inducement.[107]​ Emperor Frederick III agreed to have an audience with Charles in Trier.[108]​

In October 1473, both parties reached Trier; the Emperor with his son Maximilian and 2,500 horsemen, while the Burgundy entourage consisted of 13,000 men at arms (including artillery), Burgundian nobility, bishops, and treasures and relics.[105]​[nota 3]​ Despite all the grandeur, Frederick III was disappointed that Charles had not brought his daughter,[109]​ amidst rumours spread by Habsburg adversaries alleging that Mary was physically defected.[110]​ Charles wished to become the king of the Romans and to succeed Frederick as emperor. In return, Maximilian would inherit the Burgundian State, and later on become emperor.[111]​ In addition, Charles wanted to become a prince-elector, taking the Bohemian seat in the Electoral College, and be recognised as the duke of Guelders.[112]​

Although Charles received legitimate recognition for the Duchy of Guelders, he still was not recognised as the king of the Romans. In part, Frederick III was convinced that the prince-electors would not vote for Charles to receive the title.[113]​ During the conference, Charles ignored and alienated the prince-electors.[114]​ When he realised how much he needed their support, Charles tried to impress them with displays of his wealth, but the Germans were not swayed.[115]​ Charles's decision to only interact with the Emperor and not the prince-electors was a fatal mistake, showing an utter ignorance of German political norms.[116]​

As an alternative, Frederick III proposed to elevate the Duchy of Burgundy into a kingdom; Charles accepted.[117]​ The two parties planned for Frederick III to crown Charles in the Trier Cathedral in a coronation on 25 November.[118]​ However, the next day, the Emperor secretly departed from Trier, embarking on the Moselle at dawn.[119]​ Charles became enraged, locked himself in his room and smashed the furniture to small pieces. But he did not break the betrothal between Maximilian and Mary, in hopes that he could still obtain his kingdom.[120]​

Policies

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Legislation

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Assembly of forty four gentlemen dressed in scarlet red in the Parliament of Mechelen, with Charles the Bold sitting in the centre, presiding the event
Solemn opening session of the Parliament of Mechelen under Charles the Bold, Jan Coessaet, 1587, Plantilla:Interlanguage link

Upon ascension as duke in 1468, Charles sought to dismantle the jurisdiction of the Parlement of Paris as the highest juridical power within his country. The cities and institutions in Burgundy relied on the parlement for challenging legal decisions. This irritated the Dukes of Burgundy who detested any reliance on France. Philip the Good established an itinerant court of justice that travelled all across the country (which was still not as powerful as the Paris Parliament).[121]​ Charles established of a central sovereign court in Mechelen in his 1473 ordinance of Thionville. The city would house the new Court of Auditors, who previously resided in Lille and Brussels. The language of this parliament was French, with two-thirds of its personnel being Burgundian.[122]​ The Mechelen parliament only held authority in the Low Countries. In the Burgundian mainlands, Charles established another parliament whose headquarters moved from Beaune and Dole.[123]​

In Charles's own words, the proper administration of justice was "the soul and the spirit of the public entity."[124]​ He was recognised as the first sovereign to make serious effort to impose peace and justice upon the Low Countries, and he was regarded as "a prince of Justice" by historian Andreas van Haul a century after his death.[125]​ However, Georges Chastellain criticized Charles for his lack of mercy while imposing justice.[126]​ He tarnished his relations with his people by inspecting and regulating every aspect of their life, and was unnecessarily harsh.[127]​ Charles wanted to reduce the influence of the local aldermen, who were viewed by the commoners as the local court, and he undermined the Mechelen parliament.[125]​ To both increase his grip on the seats of justice and to fill up his treasury, Charles seized the titles from the aldermen and sold them to the highest bidders; only the wealthiest subjects came to hold those positions.[125]​ Many institutions protested against these practices, but Charles persisted because he constantly needed to fund his armies.[128]​

Religion

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Charles wears a cloth of gold and Saint George stands behind him, wearing an armour
Charles the Bold presented by Saint George, Lieven van Lathem, opening of the Prayer Book of Charles the Bold, c. 1471

Charles the Bold was religious, and considered himself more devout and pious than any ruler of his day.[129]​ He considered his sovereignty bestowed upon him by God and thus owed his power to him alone.[130]​ From a young age, Charles chose Saint George as his patron saint.[131]​ He kept an alleged sword of Saint George in his treasury and showed reverence to other warrior saints like Saint Michael as well.[132]​ He commissioned a prayer book from Lieven van Lathem which was completed in 1469.[133]​ The opening diptych of the manuscript as well as two other pieces each demonstrate Charles's devotion to Saint George.[131]​ In Margaret of York's copy of La Vie de Sainte Colette, she and Charles are shown as devotees to Saint Anne. Many have drawn a connection between the saint and the duke for the fact that both were married three times. The portrayal of Charles and Saint Anne may also have been a means to legitimise his marriage to Margaret by reassuring those who were dubious about an alliance with England.[134]​

Throughout his reign, Charles faced multiple requests to pledge his men to a crusade against the Ottoman Empire.[135]​ Pope Sixtus IV sent three instructions to the papal legate in the Burgundian court, Lucas de Tollentis, directing him to encourage Charles to undertake a crusade against the Ottomans.[136]​ Tollentis, reported to the Pope on 23 June 1472 that Charles was 'resolved in our favour,' and the welfare of Christendom was never far from his mind.[137]​ Charles may have considered an expedition to the east as the climax of his life's work; however, during his lifetime, he never undertook a crusade nor did he make preparations for it like his father did.[138]​ Only for a short time between late 1475 and early 1476 did he seriously consider a crusade and that was only after a meeting with the deposed Despot of the Morea (one of the sons of Thomas Palaiologos) who agreed to cede his claim as the Emperor of Trebizond to Charles.[139]​ Charles's actions reflect broader societal changes in the tradition of crusading.[140]​ Charles pretended to offer his sword to the church to gain favour with the Papacy.[141]​ Yet, he only followed a dynastic and ritualized expectation set by his forefathers.[140]​ By blaming his enemies for his inaction, he cautiously maintained the dynastic expectation while never fully committing to a full-scaled crusade.[142]​

Diplomacy

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Charles the Bold ordering Louis IX to sign the Treaty of Péronne; 1913; Histoire de France et notions d'Histoire Générale by Gustave Hervé, illustrated by Valéry Müller

Charles the Bold pursued a risky and aggressive foreign policy.[143]​ Trying to have as many allies as possible, he considered everyone, aside from Louis XI, as his ally.[144]​ In 1471, he made a list of his nineteen allies. He increased the number to twenty-four by the next year and had twenty-six allies in 1473, in contrast to Louis XI's fifteen allies. Among Charles's allies were nine kings, six dukes and three archbishops.[144]​ Some of these relations, like with Scotland, were nothing more than a formality. Kings of Scotland and Denmark would sign treaties with Louis XI and appear on his list of allies.[145]​ Initially, Charles was hesitant about an alliance with Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary.[146]​ However, the mutual friendship with the Kingdom of Naples pushed Burgundy and Hungary to each other, and in his pursuit to ally with Frederick III's opponents, Charles made contacts with Matthias.[147]​ Charles hoped that by supporting Matthias' claim to the Kingdom of Bohemia, Matthias would back him in the electoral college.[148]​ The two successfully concluded a treaty in November 1474, in which they agreed to partition the Holy Roman Empire between themselves, with Charles becoming the King of Romans and having the lands along the Rhine under his authority while Matthias would acquire Breslau and Bohemia.[149]​ In 1473, through negotiations with the new Duke of Lorraine, René II, he obtained the right to pass his armies through his lands, and assign Burgundian captains to important fortifications in Lorraine, essentially turning the duchy into a Burgundian protectorate.[150]​ Among Charles's other allies were Amadeus IX, Duke of Savoy, whose wife, Yolande of Valois, Louis XI's sister, drove the duchy into an alliance with Burgundy on the basis of their shared dismay for Louis XI.[151]​

The intense rivalry between Louis XI and Charles the Bold kept both rulers always prepared for an eventual war.[152]​ The suspicious death of Charles of Valois, Duke of Berry, the king's brother, in 1472, prompted Charles to raise arms to avenge his former ally's death, stating he has been poisoned by Louis.[153]​ After a small conflict, the two ceased their fighting in the winter 1473 without any talks of peace. Neither would declare war on the other for the rest of their reigns.[90]​ In 1468, Charles and Louis tried to make peace, which caused astonishment throughout France.[154]​ Their talks of peace soon turned into hostility once Charles learned that Louis had his hands in a recent rebellion in Liége.[155]​ Afterwards, Charles imprisoned Louis in the city of Péronne and coerced him to sign a treaty favourable to Burgundy with conditions such as forfeiting the Duke of Burgundy from paying homage, guarantying Charles's sovereignty of Picardy, and abolishing French jurisdiction on Burgundian subjects.[156]​ Louis reluctantly agreed to all the demands and signed the Treaty of Péronne.[157]​ However, the crown did not abide by the treaty terms and Franco-Burgundian relations remained negative.[158]​

King Ferdinand is wearing a long red robe and chaperon
King Ferdinand I of Naples depicted as a knight of the Oder of the Golden Fleece in Statuts, Ordonnances et Armorial by Gilles Gobet, the Toison d'or King of Arms, 1473

At the start of Louis XI's reign, Italy's triple alliance between the Duchy of Milan, the Republic of Florence and the Kingdom of Naples, allowed the influence of France grow in the peninsula, for Milan and Florence were long-standing allies of Louis XI.[159]​ To remedy this, Charles enlarged Burgundy's sphere of influence in Italy to dwarf that of France.[160]​ The first Burgundian alliance with an Italian ruler was with King Ferdinand I of Naples, a ruler admired by both Charles and Louis XI.[161]​

Ferdinand was the legitimised bastard of Alfonso I, and the Pope did not recognize his claim to the throne.[162]​ Meanwhile, René of Anjou, the deposed King of Naples, persistently sought his title back. In the constant fear of an invasion from René or his heirs with the support of Louis XI, Ferdinand allied himself with Charles, who made him a member of the Order of the Golden Fleece in 1473.[163]​ Charles constantly toyed with the idea of marrying his daughter, Mary, to Ferdinand's second son, Frederick of Naples, who visited the Burgundian court in 1469 and 1470.[164]​ In 1474, when a war with Louis XI was on the horizon, Ferdinand's participation was dependent on his son's marriage with Mary. Charles hinted at his willingness to give his daughter's hand to Frederick, and Ferdinand dispatched his son to Burgundy on 24 October 1474.[165]​ Although Frederick became a lieutenant and close military advisor to Charles, he failed in his ultimate mission in marrying Mary.[166]​

The Duchy of Milan was France's most important ally in the Italian peninsula, whose ruler, Galeazzo Maria Sforza was attached to the King of France through his marriage with Louis' niece, Bona of Savoy.[167]​ Charles tried to form an alliance with Milan. In 1470, he offered Galeazzo membership in the Order of the Golden Fleece, on the premise of an alliance, but was rejected.[168]​ One time he even included Milan in one of his lists of allies, which caused Galeazzo to protest.[144]​ To bring about Galeazzo to his circle of allies, Charles started a rumour that he wished to conquer Milan.[169]​ Concerns about a probable war and Charles's diplomatic pressure by isolating Milan from France persuaded Galeazzo to sign a treaty on 30 January 1475 at Moncalieri in the form of an alliance between Savoy, Burgundy and Milan.[170]​ As a result of this treaty, diplomatic relations between the two duchies were established, and Galeazzo sent Giovanni Pietro Panigarola as his envoy to Burgundy.[171]​

Charles's relation with the Republic of Venice was based on his willingness to launch a crusade against the Turks.[172]​ With Ferdinand of Naples' insistence, the senate of Venice agreed to a treaty against the King of France on 20 March 1472.[173]​ From then on, Venice constantly urged Charles to uphold his part of the bargain and support them in their war with the Ottomans.[174]​ Charles's inaction caused gradual estrangement from Venice.[175]​ For instance, when he wanted to recruit the Venetian condottiero, Bartolomeo Colleoni to his ranks, (who would have brought with himself 10,000 men at arms) the Venetian government did not allow him to go. Charles spent two years negotiating with the Venetian ambassadors, but at the end, was unsuccessful in convincing them.[176]​ By 1475, the alliance between Venice and Burgundy did not liken a genuine union anymore.[177]​

The Italian peninsula saw a shift in its sphere of influence after the Treaty of Moncalieri in 1475. Charles the Bold triumphantly replaced Louis XI as the dominant influence on the Italian politics, with three of four major secular powers in the region — Milan, Naples and Venice — all aligning towards him.[178]​ Only Florence remained a French ally, though they offered a stance of neutrality to Charles on the basis of their mutual alliance with Venice.[179]​ Charles successfully eliminated any possible support from Italy for France, and now could count on the support of his Italian allies if a war with France ensued,[178]​ However, from 1472, relations with France became a constant truce, and remained as such during rest of Charles's reign.[180]​

Arts

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A kneeling man presents his book to Charles who is seated on his throne
Vasco de Lucena presenting his translation of Quintus Curtius Rufus' Histories of Alexander the Great to Charles the Bold. Folio from Le Jardin de vertueuse consolation by an anonymous master, between 1470 and 1475

The Burgundian court under Charles the Bold was famous and magnificent.[181]​ It was seen as a place to learn arts and etiquette and where chivalry and courtly life was more intact than the rest of the Europe. For this reason, the Burgundian court was the host to many young noblemen and princes from all across the continent.[182]​ Even future generations admired Charles's court. Philip II, for instance, on the urging of his father, Charles V, introduced the "ceremonial of the court of Burgundy" into Spain using Olivier de la Marche's account of Charles the Bold's court.[183]​ Charles's Burgundian court thus became the idealized courtly life that sparked inspirations throughout 17th century Spain.[184]​ While Charles's court did not differ much from his contemporaries, certain special features increased the court's appeal: the number of knights of nobles, the sacred image of the ruler who was distant from other courtiers, and the splendour of the court.[185]​ Charles, like his predecessors, displayed his glamour through extravagant patronage of the arts.[186]​

During Charles's reign, the production of illuminated manuscripts flourished and thrived.[187]​ After his ascension in 1467, Charles provided considerable budget for projects left incomplete after his father's death and commissioned new projects as well.[188]​ As a patron of Renaissance humanism, he commissioned the translation of Quintus Curtius Rufus' Histories of Alexander the Great into French to replace the inadequate Roman d'Alexandre en prose. He commissioned the Portuguese Vasco de Lucena and Jehan de Chesne to respectively translate Xenophon's Cyropaedia and Caesar's De bello Gallico into French.[189]​ In 1468, he commissioned Guillaume Fillastre to compose a "didactic chronicle" called Histoire de Toison d'Or containing moral and didactic stories of Jason, Jacob, Gideon, Mesha, Job and David, the Golden Fleeces.[190]​ He employed the finest calligraphers and illuminators to document his ordinances; the Ordinance of 1469 was illuminated by Nicolas Spierinc and was distributed among Charles's courtiers.[191]​ His prayer book illuminated by Lieven van Lathem is considered a masterpiece of Flemish illumination that influenced great illuminators such as the Master of Mary of Burgundy.[192]​ Charles and his wife Margaret were patrons of Simon Marmion, who illuminated a breviary and a panel painting for them.[193]​

Charles was a patron of music and was a capable musician.[194]​ In his 1469 ordinance, Charles gave a clear view of what his musical entourage should be: a concert band, ceremonial trumpeters, chamber musicians, an organist and the chapel musicians, who had more variety than Philip the Good's chapel.[195]​ He brought his chapel with himself on his campaigns and had them sing a new song to him every night in his chambers.[196]​ Charles was a patron of Antoine Busnois, who became his choirmaster.[197]​ His favourite song was L'homme armé, a song that may have been written for him.[198]​ Charles composed a motet that was sung in the Cambrai Cathedral, presumably in the presence of Guillaume Du Fay, one of the most well-known composers of his era.[199]​ Among his other works were chansons and secular songs.[200]​ Although no pieces from his motet or chansons remain, two songs are attributed to him: Del ducha di borghogna (of the Duke of Burgundy) and Dux Carlus (Duke Charles), both are from Italian songbooks wherein no name of the composers is mentioned, nevertheless, the songs have uncanny similarities to each other: in voice ranges; in their use of pitch C; their musical form, rondeau; and both songs start with the phrase Ma dame. According to the musicologist David Fallows, with such similar traits, the songs are most likely both composed by Charles in 1460s.[201]​ Charles also liked to sing, however he did not have a good singing voice.[202]​

Military

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Military Ordinance of Charles the Bold, Master of Fitzwilliam 268, c. 1475

When Charles became the Duke of Burgundy, his army functioned under a feudalistic system, with most of its men either recruited through summons or hired by contracts. The majority of his army ranks were occupied by French nobles and English archers, and the army suffered from the inefficient distribution of resources and slow movement.[203]​ Having lived through a period of peace under Philip the Good, the army scarcely trained and was unprepared. Furthermore, in comparison to other armies of Europe, their structure was old and dated.[204]​ To remedy these problems, Charles issued a series of military ordinances between 1468 and 1473, that not only would revolutionise the Burgundian army, but also would influence every European army in the 16th century.[205]​ The first of these ordinances, addressed to the Marshal of Burgundy, contains instructions on who could be recruited to the army and describes the personnel of the artillery, namely, masons, assistants, cannoneers, and carpenters.[206]​ The second ordinance, issued at Abbeville in 1471, proclaimed the formation of a standing army called Compagnie d'ordonnance, made up of 1250 lances fournies, who were accompanied by 1200 crossbows, 1250 handgunners and 1250 pikemen, under the ratio of 1:1:1.[207]​ A squad of these troops contained a man-at-arms, a mounted page, a mounted swordsman, three horse archers, a crossbowmen and a pikeman. Charles designed a uniform for each of the companies (Cross of Burgundy inscribed on the ducal colours).[208]​ He also designed an overlapping military hierarchy, that sought to cease the infighting between captains and their subordinates that would arise in a pyramidal hierarchy.[209]​

A knight mounting a horse, who has an adorned armour
Armour of Charles the Bold in The Vinkhuijzen collection of military uniforms, 1910, kept at New York Public Library

The last of these ordinances, issued at Thionville, marked the culmination of Charles's martial administration. The organisation of a squad was categorised to the merest detail; specific battle marches were created to keep order between the men; a soldier's equipment were explained in detail and discipline among the ranks was regarded with utmost importance.[210]​ Charles forbade individual soldiers to have a camp follower, instead, he permitted each company of 900 to have 30 women in their ranks who would attend to them.[208]​ He set brutal rules against defaulters and deserters. In 1476, he appointed Jehan de Dadizele to arrest deserters. Those guilty of encouraging soldiers to desert were to be executed and the deserters were to return to the army.[211]​ Charles intended for his soldiers to tutor their compatriots about these new conditions in private settings without a disciplinarian presiding over them.[209]​ Charles's erratic pace to write new detailed reforms every few years was too much for his captains and men-at-arms to sufficiently implement.[212]​

Charles's ordinances were mostly inspired by Xenophon's Cyropaedia.[213]​ After observing how Cyrus the Great achieved the willing obedience of his subjects, Charles became obsessed with discipline and order among his men-at-arms.[214]​ He applied Xenophon's comments in the Abbeville ordinance, thus ensuring that through a complex chain of command, his soldiers would both command and obey.[209]​ The influence of Vegetius' De re militari is also quite apparent in Charles's writings. Vegetius suggested that soldiers were to be recruited from men offering themselves to a martial life; afterwards, they would swear an oath to stay loyal to the duke. Charles adapted both ideas in his 1471 ordinance.[215]​ Charles's 1473 ordinance included exercises from Vegetius for soldiers to keep them prepared and disciplined.[216]​

The Burgundian standing army struggled with recruitment.[217]​ Although the Burgundian army had enough men-at-arms, pikemen and mounted archers, the they lacked culverins and foot archers.[218]​ To solve this problem, Charles diversified his army and recruited from other nationalities.[219]​ Italian mercenaries were his favourite and by 1476, filled up most of his ranks.[220]​ Despite the constant warning from military authors of the past against the recruitment of mercenaries, contemporary chronicler Jean Molinet praised Charles for his brilliant solution, staying that he was favoured by both heaven and earth and thus above the 'commandments of philosophers'.[221]​

Burgundian Wars

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League of Constance

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Trial of Peter von Hagenbach, 1474

Over the span of five years, Charle's deputy in Upper Alsace, Peter von Hagenbach, alienated his Alsatian subjects; antagonized the neighbouring Swiss Confederacy, who felt threatened by his rule; and showed aggressive intentions towards the city of Mulhouse. As a result, the Swiss sought alliances with German towns and Louis XI.[218]​ By February 1473, a handful of free cities coordinated to end Burgundian rule in Alsace.[222]​

The cities Strasbourg, Colmar, Basel and Sélestat offered money to Sigismund of Austria to buy back Alsace from Charles. But Charles refused to sell Alsace and was determined to keep it.[223]​ To emphasize his claim, Charles toured the province around Christmas 1473, reportedly with an army.[224]​ He tried to make peace with the Swiss, who questioned his sincerity.[225]​ Charles's threats prompted the Swiss to ally themselves with their former enemy, Sigismund.[223]​

The rebelling Alsatian cities and the Swiss formed the League of Constance in April 1474 to drive Charles and Peter von Hagenbach from Alsace.[225]​ Rebellion quickly broke out in Alsace.[99]​ The league overthrew Hagenbach, put him on trial, and on 9 May executed him.[223]​ Upon hearing this news, Charles threw a tantrum. In August, he sent an army led by Peter's brother, Stefan von Hagenbach, into Alsace.[226]​ After Charles refused again to give up control of Alsace, the League of Constance officially declared war on him.[227]​ Hagenbach's death might be considered the catalyst to the conflict now called the "Burgundian Wars".[226]​

Siege of Neuss

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When Alsace rose up against Burgundian authority, Charles was already preoccupied with another campaign in Cologne.[227]​ Charles aided the Archbishop of Cologne, Ruprecht against a rebellion, hoping to turn the electorate into a Burgundian protectorate.[228]​ He held peace talks in Maastricht on 14 May 1474, which failed. From 22 June, he planned to siege Colognian cities and force Ruprecht's conditions on his subjects.[229]​ The first of his targets was the city of Neuss, which Charles needed to control in order to guarantee Burgundian supply lines for an attack on Cologne. Neuss was expected to fall within a few days, and many contemporary historians feared its fall would open up Germany to the Burgundians.[229]​

Painting of the encampment of Charles the Bold's army outside of the walls of Neuss
Siege of Neuss by Charles the Bold in 1475, Adriaen Van den Houte

On 28 July 1474, Charles's army reached the southern gate of Neuss.[230]​ The artillery immediately began bombardment to breach the walls.[231]​ To isolate the city, Charles assigned men to every gate, blockaded the river across Neuss with fifty boats, and secured the two isles neighbouring the city.[232]​ Despite all attempts, communications between Neuss and the outside world continued.[233]​ In September, the Burgundian night watch caught a man swimming through the river with a letter detailing Emperor Frederick's intention to attack the Burgundian besiegers.[234]​ Upon learning Frederick's plan, Charles intensified the barrage, and attempted to dry out the city's moat by diverting the River Erft and sinking overloaded barges into the Rhine.[234]​

Residents of Neuss endured the constant bombardments, and refused to surrender even though their food had reduced from cows to snails and weeds.[235]​ Their resistance brought admiration from all the contemporary chronicles.[236]​ Emperor Frederick was slow to amass an army. When he had gathered 20,000 German forces in Spring 1475, he took seventeen days to march from Cologne to Zons, their encampment.[237]​ Charles was constantly petitioned by his brother-in-law, Edward IV of England, to leave the siege and join him in fighting the French. But in the face of the Emperor's forces, Charles did not want to lose his pride and withdraw.[238]​ The Emperor had no desire to fight the Burgundians and kept the conflict to a few skirmishes.[239]​ The conflict came to a rapid end when an emissary from the Pope threatened both sides with excommunication, and all parties signed a peace treaty on 29 May 1475.[240]​

Charles left Neuss on 27 June.[241]​ The city had been so badly damaged that it was on the verge of surrender.[240]​ His propagandists presented him as the Caesar of their age who had brought a humiliating defeat on the German forces. After signing the peace treaty, hundreds of German soldiers lined up to see him. According to one chronicle, many of them threw themselves at Charles and worshipped him.[242]​ However, the Siege of Neuss cost Burgundy dearly in army strength and strategic opportunities.[241]​ Besides the number of men and equipment lost, this siege also cost Charles a chance to destroy Louis XI and France. Edward IV, after seeing no support from his ally, agreed to sign the Treaty of Picquigny with Louis XI, causing a seven-year truce and a marriage alliance between the two kingdoms.[240]​ Charles had to sign a treaty with Louis as well, so that he would be free to march south and deal with the League of Constance, whose members now also included René II of Lorraine.[243]​

Battle of Grandson

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Artículo principal: Battle of Grandson
battle scene, over two pages
Battle of Grandson, miniature of 1515 by Diebold Schilling the Younger in the Lucerne chronicle

Charles commenced his full-fledged invasion on the Swiss and their allies immediately after signing the peace treaty with Louis XI. Splitting his army into two parts, he advanced through Lorraine with no resistance and captured the capital city of Nancy.[244]​ At the beginning of 1476, Charles besieged the recently captured castle of Grandson which was fortified by a garrison from Bern.[245]​ Despite the many relief forces sent to defeat the Burgundians, the Swiss were unable to relieve the city from the siege and Charles recaptured Grandson, executing all of the Bernese garrison as retaliation for Swiss brutality in Burgundian towns.[246]​ On 1 March, Charles, expecting the Swiss army to march towards him for a battle, decided to leave Grandson northwards for a mountain pass north of the town of Concise. As he had foreseen, the Swiss army marched from Neuchâtel, with their vanguard made up of eight thousand men several hours ahead of the rest. The vanguard reached the mountain pass first and surprised the Burgundian army.[247]​

Charles quickly rallied his troops, ordered his artillery to fire at the enemy lines and then launched an attack.[245]​ Meanwhile, the Swiss had knelt down to pray, which the Burgundians may have mistaken for submission, motivating them more for the attack.[248]​ The initial charge, commanded by fr, Lord of Grandson, failed to penetrate the Swiss defensive line, with Louis himself killed in the process.[248]​ Charles then made a second attack. In order to lure the enemy further down the valley to give his artillery a better target, Charles soon retreated.[249]​

However, the rest of his army mistook his tactical retreat for a complete withdrawal. Around this time, the rest of the Swiss army had reached the valley, announcing their arrival by bellowing their horns. The Burgundians panicked and abandoned their positions, ignoring Charles's pleas to stay in line.[250]​ The panicking army even forsook their camp at Grandson, leaving it open for the Swiss to capture.[245]​[251]​ The Battle of Grandson became a humiliating defeat for Charles the Bold, as his army's cowardice had caused him the loss of many valuable treasures and all of his artillery and supplies.[252]​ For two or three days after the battle, Charles was so much shaken by the loss that he refused any food or drinks. By 4 March, he began to reorganize his army in hopes of entering the battlefield two weeks later.[253]​

Battle of Morat

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Charles the Bold and his men fleeting on horses
The flight of Charles the Bold after the Battle of Morat by Eugène Burnand, 1894, now in the Eugène Burnand Museum, Moudon

Charles retreated to Lausanne, where he reorganised the whole of his army with utmost fury and resolve. He demanded more artillery and men-at-arms from his lands; in Dijon, anything made of metals were melted to make canons; in occupied Lorraine, he confiscated all artillery.[254]​[nota 4]​ He received funds from all his allies and men from Italy, Germany, England and Poland came to join his army.[255]​ At the end of May, he had amassed 20,000 men in Lausanne, outnumbering the local population.[256]​ He trained these men from 14 to 26 May while he himself grew sicker by day, resulting in stagnation among his troops. With the supply lines delayed, and the payment long overdue, Charles's army cut costs. Many horse archers went on foot instead. The army, though luxurious in display, was incoherent and destabilised.[257]​

On 27 May, Charles and his army began their slow march towards the fortress of Morat. His main objective was the city of Bern, and to eliminate all supports to the city, he first needed to conquer Morat.[255]​ He arrived at Morat at 9 June and immediately began besieging the fortress. By 19 June, after several assaults on the fortress and with several of its walls destroyed, Morat sent a message to Bern, asking for help.[258]​ On 20 June, the Eidgenossen (oath companion[nota 5]​) arrived at Morat.[261]​ The forces were larger than the army at Grandson; the Swiss commanders estimated themselves to be 30,000 men, while recent historians believe it was 24,000.[262]​ Charles expected a decisive battle at the wake of 21 June but no attack came.[261]​ The Swiss instead attacked the following day on 22 June, a holy day attributed to the Ten thousand martyrs, catching the slumbering Burgundians unexpected.[263]​ Charles was too slow in organizing his troops for a counterattack; he himself tarried in putting up his armour, and before his men finished taking their positions, the Swiss army had already reached them.[264]​ The Burgundian army soon abandoned their posts and fled for their lives.[265]​

The battle was a total victory for the Swiss and a mass slaughter of the fleeing Burgundian army. Many retreated into Lake Morat, and either drowned or died swimming in the process. Some climbed the walnut trees, and were shot dead by the arquebuses and hand cannons. The Swiss showed no mercy to men who surrendered. They killed knights, soldiers, and high officials alike.[266]​ Charles himself fled with his men and rode for days until he reached Gex, Ain.[267]​ The Milanese ambassador, Panigarola, reported that Charles laughed and made jokes after his defeat at Morat. Charles refused to believe he was defeated and continued to think God was on his side.[268]​

Death

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Battle of Nancy

[editar]
Artículo principal: Battle of Nancy
The naked corpse of Charles the Bold found after the Battle of Nancy
Charles's corpse found after the Battle of Nancy, Auguste Feyen-Perrin, 1865, Musée des Beaux-Arts, Nancy

While Charles may have wanted to continue the war against the Swiss, his plans changed drastically when Nancy was reconquered by René II on 6 October.[268]​ In need of money, Charles took a large loan from the Medici bank with which he assembled 10,000 hastily gathered men.[269]​ The rest of his army consisted of the Italian mercenaries under the command of the fr; the Burgundian garrison in Nancy, and 8,000 reinforcements from the Netherlands.[270]​ He arrived in Nancy at 11 October and by 22 October began bombarding the city walls. The siege continued throughout the harsh winter.[271]​ Charles was hoping that he could enter the city before any of Rene's allies came to relieve the siege.[272]​

Meanwhile, René spent November and December negotiating with the Swiss to hire an army of mercenaries and with Louis XI to pay the Swiss. He was eventually successful with both and marched towards Nancy from Basel on 26 December with 9,000 Swiss mercenaries.[273]​ Between 31 December and 3 January 1477, the Count of Campobasso and his Italian mercenaries deserted the Burgundians.[274]​[275]​ They joined René and fought the Burgundians in the forthcoming battle.[275]​[nota 6]​

On 5 January, under heavy snow, René and his army marched towards the Burgundian position.[278]​ The snow obscured their movements, and they outflanked the Burgundian army by marching around towards the front of the Burgundians, where Charles had not placed pickets.[279]​ Around noon they attacked the Burgundians, whose artillery was too slow to engage with the quickly approaching army.[280]​ Charles tried to rally his men, but to no avail, for the Burgundians were already fleeing from the battlefield.[281]​ Meanwhile, the Alsatian and Swiss infantry encircled Charles and his horsemen. In the River Meurthe he fell from his horse, and was struck on his head with a halberd, which pierced his helmet and went into his skull.[281]​ Half of the Burgundian army died during the battle or while retreating.[281]​ Only those who escaped fifty kilometers to Metz survived.[280]​

Burial

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Rene II standing before the body of Charles the Bold, who wears a golden crown
Duke René II of Lorraine holding the hands of the corpse of Charles the Bold, Chronique scandaleuse by Jean de Roye

The corpse of Charles the Bold was found three days after the battle, when it was found lying on the river, with half of his head frozen.[281]​ It took a group consisting of Charles's Roman valet, his Portuguese personal physician, his chaplain, Olivier de la Marche, and two of his bastard brothers to identify the corpse through a missing tooth, ingrown toenail, and long fingernails.[282]​ His body was moved to Nancy with full honours, where it was displayed for five days.[281]​ René buried him in the Saint-George collegiate church of Nancy.[283]​ In Artois, people refused to believe he was dead; they believed he had escaped to Germany to undergo seven years of penance, and would reappear again.[282]​

Margaret of York, Charles's wife, requested the return of his body, but René refused.[283]​ Over 70 years after Charles's death, on 22 September 1550, Charles V exhumed the body and brought it to Luxembourg to strengthen his claim over Burgundy. Three years later, Charles's bones were again exhumed to their final resting place, the Church of Our Lady, Bruges, beside his daughter, Mary of Burgundy.[283]​ In 1559, Philip II ordered the construction of a monument over the tomb of Charles, which was completed in 1563.[283]​ Philip would hold masses for the repose of the soul of Charles and commemorated the date of his death, 5 January.[284]​

Aftermath

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Artículo principal: War of the Burgundian Succession

Louis XI learned of Charles's death even before it reached Burgundy; he took advantage of the lack of leadership to invade Burgundy through Picardy, Artois and Mâcon only three weeks after the Battle of Nancy.[285]​ Ghent rose in rebellion, executing two of Charles's closest collaborators, William Hugonet and Guy of Brimeu.[286]​ Charles's former conquests, Liége and Guelders, rapidly sought their independence, and in Luxembourg, a struggle broke out on whether to recognize Mary of Burgundy as Charles's successor.[285]​ Sigismund of Austria and the Swiss vied for Franche-Comté; Holland, Zeeland, Frisia and Hainault were claimed by the Count Palatine and the Duke of Bavaria.[287]​

Mary, the sole child of Charles, and Margaret of York, his widow, confronted a crisis. To secure her legitimacy as ruler, Mary signed the Great Privilege on 11 February 1477 and restored powers to the States General in Flanders, Brabant, Hainaut, and Holland.[288]​ To secure an alliance with the Habsburgs, Mary married Maximilian, son of Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III, in August 1477.[286]​ Maximilian used a combination of diplomacy and military strength to defend and regain territories from Louis XI, though France kept the geographic Duchy of Burgundy; he also quelled several internal revolts to preserve a great deal of the Burgundian State.[285]​ Mary died on 27 March 1482, and passed her lands and the title Duke of Burgundy to her son and heir, Philip.[289]​

Historiography and legacy

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La Duchesse de Bourgogne arrêtée aux portes de Bruges by Sophie Frémiet. 19th-century depiction of the arrest of Isabella of Portugal, her son Charles, and their entourage at the gates of Bruges

Charles the Bold's untimely death directly caused the sudden collapse of the Burgundian State.[290]​ He had no legitimate male heir to succeed him and he did not provide a capable husband for his daughter that he could train and prepare for succession.[290]​ He was obsessed over uniting the "lands over there" (Low Countries) and the "lands over here" (Burgundy proper) through Lorraine,[128]​ and sought to forge a national identity independent from that of the French.[291]​ He spent his short years as the Duke of Burgundy on securing a crown and forging a new kingdom to unite his subjects, and to raise his own glory.[106]​ However, his efforts inadvertently united his German enemies under the banner of a "German nation" opposing Charles, whom they called "The Grand Turk of the West".[292]​

Charles's death marks a significant moment in the modern history of Lorraine;[293]​ in Nancy, the victory of René II is still remembered fondly.[294]​ The Swiss victory at Morat was a confirmation to their national identity, a sign of pride and a preservation of their independence. The Battle of Morat contributed to the decline of feudalism and heralded the end to the concept of chivalry.[295]​ German-language historiography treats him ambivalently; he is seen both as a tragic representation of the fall of the Middle Ages, and as an immoral and flawed prince. Until recently, Swiss literature generally presented Charles negatively.[296]​

Charles' death and the crisis of 1477 was an inspiration to two authors, Olivier de La Marche and Anthonis de Roovere, who wrote Le chevalier délibéré and Den droom van Rouere op die doot van hertoge Kaerle van Borgonnyen saleger gedachten respectively about his death.[297]​ The hatred between Charles the Bold and Louis XI was an inspiration in the 17th-century French moralistic dialogues by authors such as François Fénelon who in his Dialogues of the dead, portrays Charles and Louis reconciling by drinking from the River Styx.[298]​

Notas

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  1. ↑ Según Bart van Loo, el epíteto de Carlos, le Téméraire, le fue dado por sus contemporáneos.[1]​ Richard Vaughan sostiene que el apodo es una invención del siglo XIX y un nombre inapropiado.[2]​ La traducción Carlos el Temerario, sugiere que recibió su sobrenombre en honor al progenitor de su familia, Felipe II de Borgoña. Mientras que el epíteto de Felipe, le Hardi, puede traducirse como «Atrevido», el de Carlos en francés significa «Temerario» o «Imprudente».[1]​
  2. ↑ According to the German historian, Christian Kiening, this love may be fictitious and created by the authors of the time.[30]​
  3. ↑ This encounter showcased the economical and cultural differences between Christendom's richer west and poorer east, with the Germans amazed by the wealth of the Burgundy and the Burgundians shocked by their poor equipment.[105]​
  4. ↑ Philippe de Commines, the Burgundian chronicler, reported that in his official decree to all of his realm, Charles ordered "Der Meyer zu Lockie an den Grafen zu Aarburg" (all the world to come to him with all (its) cannon and all (its) manpower).[254]​
  5. ↑ The word Eidgenossen is literary translated as 'oath companion', and was a synonym for Swiss, referring to the members of the Old Swiss Confederacy.[259]​ Until the Siege on Morat, most of the confederacy had not declared war on Burgundy, because Charles had yet to invade a territory officially part of one of its members. But during the siege, Charles attacked a bridge which was a part of Bernese territory, thus obligating the confederacy to join Bern in their campaign against Burgundy.[260]​
  6. ↑ It is not clear what was Campobasso's position during the battle. One Neapolitan account reports that Charles found himself engaged in a duel with Campobasso during the battle.[276]​ According to Angelo de Tummmulilis, Charles had Campobasso in his mercy but spared him and told him to flee.[277]​

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  265. ↑ Van Loo, 2021, p. 444.
  266. ↑ Winkler, 2010, pp. 30-31.
  267. ↑ Winkler, 2010, p. 33.
  268. ↑ a b Smith y De Vries, 2005, p. 197.
  269. ↑ Van Loo, 2021, p. 445.
  270. ↑ Vaughan y Paravicini, 2002, p. 419.
  271. ↑ Smith y De Vries, 2005, p. 198.
  272. ↑ Vaughan y Paravicini, 2002, p. 420.
  273. ↑ Dean, 2014, p. 40.
  274. ↑ Dean, 2014, p. 39.
  275. ↑ a b Walsh, 2005, p. 367.
  276. ↑ Walsh, 2005, p. 368.
  277. ↑ Walsh, 2005, p. 399.
  278. ↑ Smith y De Vries, 2005, p. 199.
  279. ↑ Dean, 2014, p. 41.
  280. ↑ a b Smith y De Vries, 2005, p. 200.
  281. ↑ a b c d e Dean, 2014, p. 43.
  282. ↑ a b Monter, 2007, p. 23.
  283. ↑ a b c d Salet, 1982, p. 343.
  284. ↑ Salet, 1982, p. 344.
  285. ↑ a b c Blockmans y Pervenier, 1999, p. 195.
  286. ↑ a b Schnerb, 2008, p. 455.
  287. ↑ Knecht, 2007, p. 104.
  288. ↑ Koenigsberger, 2001, p. 42.
  289. ↑ Blockmans y Pervenier, 1999, p. 199.
  290. ↑ a b Vaughan y Paravicini, 2002, p. 399.
  291. ↑ Lecuppre-Desjardin, 2022, p. 337.
  292. ↑ Lecuppre-Desjardin, 2022, p. 217.
  293. ↑ Monter, 2007, p. 15.
  294. ↑ Monter, 2007, p. 22.
  295. ↑ Winkler, 2010, p. 34.
  296. ↑ Sieber-Lehmann, 1997, p. 13.
  297. ↑ Jongenelen y Parsons, 2016, pp. 306-307.
  298. ↑ Bakos, 2013, p. 50.

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