Usuario:Michael junior obregon pozo/Taller/Economía del Imperio incaico
Durante el reinado comparativamente breve del Imperio inca, de 1438 a 1533, la civilización inca estableció una impresionante estructura económica que permitió una producción agrícola sustancial, así como el intercambio de productos entre comunidades. La sociedad inca tuvo algunas de las economías organizadas centralmente más exitosas de la historia.[1] Su efectividad se logró mediante el exitoso control del trabajo y la regulación de los recursos tributarios. En la sociedad Inca, el trabajo colectivo era la piedra angular para la productividad económica y el logro de la prosperidad común.[2] Los habitantes del ayllu (el corazón de la productividad económica en el Imperio inca) trabajaron juntos para producir esa prosperidad. Esta prosperidad hizo que los españoles se asombraran de lo que vieron cuando llegaron por primera vez al Tahuantinsuyo en 1528.[3] Según cada ayllu, la mano de obra estaba dividida por región, con la agricultura centralizada en las áreas más productivas, pero también la producción de cerámica, la construcción de carreteras, la producción textil y otras habilidades formaban parte de los ayllus.[4] Una vez satisfechas las necesidades locales, el gobierno reunió todos los excedentes que se recolectan de los ayllus y los asignó donde se necesitaban. Los habitantes del Imperio Inca recibieron ropa, alimentos, atención médica y educación gratis a cambio de su trabajo.[5]
Ayllus en el Imperio Inca[editar]
Los Incas establecieron una de las economías organizadas centralmente más prósperas de la historia económica, lo que llevó al desarrollo del capital social. La prosperidad económica del Imperio Inca se basó en estos ayllus. El Ayllus está formado por familias que vivían en el mismo pueblo o asentamiento . Las personas que nacieron en un ayllu incluso se casaron dentro del ayllu, lo que ofrecía estabilidad social. Dependiendo de su lugar, cada ayllu se especializaba en el desarrollo de bienes apropiados. Los ayllus agrícolas se encontraban cerca de tierras fértiles y producían cultivos que se adaptaban al suelo Su producción sería llevada por el Estado, quien luego la trasladaría a otras regiones del país donde el recurso no estaba disponible, el excedente se mantendrá en almacenes cerca de los centros urbanos, a lo largo de carreteras y carreteras.[6] Otros "ayllus" se especializarían en la producción de alfarería, ropa o joyería; las habilidades se transmitían de generación en generación dentro del mismo ayllu. Ayllus creó casi todo lo necesario para la vida diaria, que el estado asignaría a otros ayllus. La abundancia y variedad de capital, así como su disponibilidad durante las malas cosechas y los conflictos, hicieron que la gente del imperio Inca fuera leal al Sapa Inca y al gobierno local.[7]
Posesión de tierras en el Imperio Inca[editar]
Los individuos como representantes del ayllu tenían la libertad de usar la propiedad. Como delegado del ayllu, el kuraka era un funcionario del Imperio que se desempeñaba como un magistrado, redistribuyó la propiedad entre los miembros según la escala de sus comunidades. Las medidas de la tierra se calcularon en tupus, una unidad de medida local, y diferían según su condición agrícola. Una pareja casada recibirá un tupus y medio, con un tupu por cada hijo varón y medio tupu por cada hija. Cada tupu adicional se quitó y se envió a la nueva familia cuando el hijo o la hija comenzaron su propia familia. la propiedad era trabajada por cada familia, pero no era suya, la estado Inca era el dueño legítimo. El estado lo utilizaba para abastecer a la familia de alimentos de subsistencia.[8]
Collective labor taxation[editar]
The Incas conducted a routine census of the male population to determine if labor conscription was necessary. Individuals, including adolescents, were forced to work in different labor capacities on a revolving basis, whether it was livestock, building, or at home. The government received two-thirds of a farmer's crops (over 20 varieties of corn and 240 varieties of potatoes).[9] The Inca state received its "tax" revenues from such labor. The nation, on the other hand, provided them with housing, food, and clothing in return for their labor. The free allocation of ceremonial beer was one of the special incentives. The Inca bureaucracy used a specific open space in the city's center as a social gathering place for people to celebrate and drink ritual beer[10]
Collective labor may be structured in three ways: The first was the ayni to assist a member of the society in need. Ayni may be shown by assisting with the construction of a house or by assisting a disabled member of the society. The second was the minka, or collective effort for the good of the whole nation. Building farm terraces and washing irrigation canals are two examples of minka. The mita, or tax charged to the Inca, was the third. Since there was no currency, taxes were charged with wheat, horses, textiles, and, most notably, labor. Mita laborers were warriors, fishermen, messengers, road builders, and whatever else was required. Each participant of the ayllu was expected to fulfill a rotational and temporary service. They constructed temples and palaces, irrigation canals, agricultural terraces, highways, bridges, and tunnels all without the use of a wheel. This structure was a give-and-take system that was well-balanced. The government will have food, clothes, and medicine in return. This scheme required the Inca empire to have all of the requisite produce on hand for redistribution based on need and local interests.[11]
Quipu, record-keeping system.[editar]
Despite the lack of a written language, the Incas invented a system of record-keeping based on knotted string known as "quipu." To describe the decimal system, these knot structures used complex knot arrangements and color-coded parts. These cords were used to keep track of their stored goods, available workforce, and valuable things such as maize, which was used to craft ceremonial beer.[10] The "quipu" was in control of every economic part of the large empire. "Quipucamayocs" or in other words "Incan accountants" were the ones in charge of keeping the documentation of the quipu.[12] There are 1,500 strings on the biggest quipu. The Sacred City of Caral Supe has the oldest quipu, which dates from about 2500 BC.
Currency in Incan Economy[editar]
Money was not used by the Incas, because they did not need it. Any citizen's basic needs were fulfilled since their economy was so well-planned. Economic transactions were conducted by the barter method, through which citizens exchanged goods among each other.[13] According to analysts, the Inca civilization had no trade class. That being said, there has been some comparatively tiny trade with peoples from outside the region, mainly from the Amazon.
Trading system in Inca Empire[editar]
A piece of land can be controlled by each seemingly large family. To plow, sow seeds, and later harvest the crops, each required additional labor from the family members. A similar method known as "minka" was used for larger-scale cooperative work, such as the construction of houses or other infrastructure. Participants were compensated in kind. This system is still in use in some Quechua cultures in the Andes. The metaphysical belief principle that underpinned "ayllu" and "minka" was known as "ayni", an ancient Andean idea of mutualism and reciprocity.[2] Because all and everyone in the society was seen as interconnected, each member voluntarily participated with their labor and produce. Expecting to be offered something in return later. In a world without monetary currencies, the idea of "ayni" may be applied to all mutual transfers of energy and commodities between people and nature. In addition, the central Inca government instituted supply management and a taxation structure. As a levy, each resident was forced to give the Inca rulers a time of labor and a portion of their cultivated crops. As a result, surplus crops were taken by the government and distributed to villages in desperate need of food.
Infrastructure system of the Inca Empire[editar]
The Incas were master builders, constructing very complex network of roads and bridges of any ancient civilization, known as Qhapaq Ñan. The ability to touch and monitor any corner of their territories contributed to the empire's prosperity. Inca engineers improved upon earlier cultures' highways, such as those built by the Chimu, Wari, and Tiwanaku, among others. In the one of world's most difficult terrains, the Incas constructed more than 18,600 miles/30,000 kilometers of paved roads.[4] Since 1994, UNESCO World Heritage Sites have preserved these roads and all Inca and pre-Inca structures along them. There were two major roads that ran from north to south, one along the coast and the other along the Andes. A smaller network of roads linked the two roads. They constructed a 3,000 m/4,830 km road along the coast that linked the Gulf of Guayaquil in Ecuador to the Maule River in Chile in the south. The Andean royal path, built in the highlands, ran the length of the Andes Mountains. It began in Quito, Ecuador, and ended near Tucuman, Argentina, after passing through Cajamarca and Cusco. The Andean Royal Road was more than 3,500 miles long, far exceeding the length of the longest Roman path.[4] The Incas didn't know how to ride a horse and didn't know how to use a wheel. The majority of traveling was conducted on foot, with llamas transporting merchandise from one section of the empire to the other. Messengers or chasquis used roads to transport messages throughout the empire. The Incas devised strategies for navigating the Andes' rugged terrain. Several paths passed across high mountains. They designed stone steps that looked like massive flights of stairs on steep slopes. Low walls were constructed in desert regions to prevent sand from drifting across the lane.[14]
Bridge building[editar]
Bridges were constructed all over the Inca empire, connecting roads that crossed rivers and deep canyons in one of the world's most challenging terrains. The Inca empire's structure and economy necessitated the construction of these bridges. Natural fibers were used by the Incas to build impressive suspension bridges or rope bridges.[15] These fibers were tied together to form a rope that was as long as the bridge's desired length. They braided three of these ropes together to make a stronger, longer rope; they would keep braiding the ropes until they met the required distance, weight, and power. The cables were then bound together with tree branches, and timber was applied to the floor to create a cable floor that was at least four to five feet high. The completed cable floor was then connected to abutments on either side that supported the ends. Ropes that acted as handrails were often fixed on all sides of the bridge. Near Cusco, in the town of Huarochiri, is the only remaining Inca suspension bridge.[16]
Communication in the Inca Empire[editar]
Since the Inca Empire ruled over such a large area, they wanted a way to interact with everybody in it. They developed a network of messengers to deliver critical messages. The Chasquis, or messengers, were selected from among the best and fittest male youths. They relayed signals over long distances every day. They stayed in communities of four or six in cabins or tambos along the roads. When one chasqui was seen, another will dash to reach him. He'd sprint alongside the arriving courier, attempting to listen and memorize the message while still relaying the quipu if he had one. The exhausted chasqui would retire to the cabin for rest, while the other would sprint to the next relay stop.[17] Messages could fly over 250 miles a day in this manner. An immediate alert was transmitted via a chain of bonfires in the event of an attack or revolt. When the chasquis saw the smoke, they ignited a bonfire that could be seen from the next cabin or tambo. Before the source of the fire was understood, the Sapa Inca would send his army into the bonfire, where he would normally find a messenger and hear the essence of the emergency from him. Some tambos, or relay sites, were more elaborate than others, according to archeological finds. They were most often used as a rest stop for officials or the Sapa Inca as they traveled through the empire.[18]
References[editar]
- ↑ D'Altroy, Terence N. (1992). Provincial Power in the Inka Empire. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.
- ↑ a b Morris, Craig; Von Hagan, Andriana (1993). The Inka Empire and Its Andean Origins. New York: Abbeville Press.
- ↑ MacQuarrie, Kim (2008). The Last Days of the Incas. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 9780743260503.
- ↑ a b c Hyslop, John (1984). The Inka Road System. New York: Academic Press, Inc.
- ↑ Davies, Nigel (1995). The Incas. Colorado: University Press of Colorado.
- ↑ Levine, Terry (1992). Inka Storage System. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
- ↑ Samuel, Mervyn; Carlessi, Yolanda (2019). Reflections of Peru. ISBN 978-1092301909.
- ↑ Hemming, John (1970). The conquest of the Incas. ISBN 978-0156028264.
- ↑ Levine, Terry (1985). Inca Administration in the Central Highlands: A Comparitive Study. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International.
- ↑ a b Kendall, Ann (1973). Everyday Life of The Incas. New York: B.T. Batsford Ltd.
- ↑ Adams, Mark (24 April 2012). Turn Right at Machu Picchu: Rediscovering the Lost City One Step at a Time. New York: Dutton. ISBN 0452297982.
- ↑ Bauer, Brian S. (1998). The Sacred Landscape of the Inca: The Cusco Ceque System. Austin: University of Texas Press.
- ↑ Burland, C.A. (1967). Peru Under the Incas. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons.
- ↑ Turolla, Pino (1980). Beyond the Andes: My Search for the Origins of Pre-Inca Civilization. Harpercollins. ISBN 006014369X.
- ↑ Ochsendorf, John (1996). An engineering study of the last Inca Suspension Bridge. Princeton university.
- ↑ Dorn, Georgette (8 December 2015). «Engineering in the Andes Mountains: History and Design of Inca Suspension Bridges». Library of Congress. Parámetro desconocido
|url-status=ignorado (ayuda) - ↑ Hourly, History (2020). Inca Empire: A History from Beginning to End.
- ↑ Rostworowski, Maria; Iceland, Harry B. (1998). History of the Inca Realm. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521637596.